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University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Grammatical Effects of Topic and Focus Information

Abstract

dc:description

As for focus information, I show that pitch accent is responsible for focus interpretation, with apparent syntactic movement playing no significant role for focus interpretation. Sentential stress patterns and their implications for focus interpretation are examined. In particular, this dissertation examines whether scrambling has anything to do with focus. While I show that nuclear stress falls on the most deeply embedded XP in the base position, whether the sentence is scrambled or not, Saito's (1989) early observation is maintained that scrambling is an optional syntactic operation with no semantic effect as far as focus interpretation is concerned. As for the question of syntactic focus movement, constructions which are often claimed to be involved with focus movement, so-called 'sluicing' and cleft constructions, are examined only to refute the existence of syntactic focus movement. Also word order variations in copular constructions are examined to see how topic and focus information are relevant in restricting sentence word order.

Degree

thesis:*
Name thesis:degree_name
Ph.D.
Level thesis:degree_level
Dissertation
Discipline thesis:degree_discipline
Linguistics
Grantor
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Year dc:date
2004

Author and committee

dc:creator, dc:contributor.*
Author dc:creator
  • Jo, Jung-Min
Contributors dc:contributor
  • Yoon, Hye Suk James

Subjects

dc:subject × 1

Rights

Language dc:language
eng

Identifiers

dc:identifier.*
Identifier
(MiAaPQ)AAI3153335
OAI identifier oai:identifier
oai:www.ideals.illinois.edu:2142/82627

Chain of custody

source
Harvested from
University of Illinois - Urbana-Champaign
Base URL
www.ideals.illinois.edu/oai-pmh
Last updated
2026-07-22
Source record
OAI-PMH GetRecord
citation

Jo, Jung-Min. Grammatical Effects of Topic and Focus Information. Dissertation thesis, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2142/82627