Multiple case assignment : an Amis case study

This dissertation investigates two case-related phenomena: aspect-conditioned differential subject case marking and overt case-stacking, and why case morphology on a DP may correlate with movement of a DP. Guided by data from Amis (Formosan, Austronesian), I argue that case assignment may apply to a single DP more than once and case-stacking is overt realisation of multiple case assignment. In Amis, a DP surfaces with all the cases it has been assigned when it is a contrastive topic. Moreover, Amis provides strong evidence for treating case-stacking truly as stacking of multiple cases, instead of stacking a focus marker on top of a case marker. In addition, I propose that case morphology and whether a DP can undergo certain type of movement are both mediated by [phi]-agreement. In particular, each successful [phi]-agreement with a DP introduces to the DP a K(ase), a structural correlate of morphological case. This is based on the behaviour of subjects of perfective clauses. Subjects of perfective clauses receive genitive case in a neutral context but appear with an additional nominative case when they are contrastive topics. Moreover, there are more restrictions on moving these subjects, compared with nominative-marked subjects of imperfective clauses. I posit that subjects of perfective clauses become [phi]-defective as a result of agreeing with perfective Asp(ect). This is manifested in one less case assignment, which results in genitive case on the surface, and inability to be attracted by certain complex A/Ā-movement probes.

Department dc:contributor.department

Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.

Grantor dc:publisher

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Year dc:date.issued

2018

Author dc:creator

• Chen, Tingchun

Advisor dc:contributor.advisor

• Sabine Iatridou, David Pesetsky and Norvin Richards.

• Linguistics and Philosophy.

Statement dc:rights

• MIT theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed, downloaded, or printed from this source but further reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission.

Licence dc:rights.uri

• http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582

Language dc:language.iso

eng

Handle dc:identifier.uri

http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/120672

OAI identifier oai:identifier

oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/120672