{"id":{"repo_id":"mit","oai_identifier":"oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/120672"},"canonical_url":"https://search.dev.ndltd.org/etd/mit/oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/120672","repository":{"repo_id":"mit","name":"MIT","base_url":"https://dspace.mit.edu/oai/request"},"display":{"title":"Multiple case assignment : an Amis case study","abstract":"This dissertation investigates two case-related phenomena: aspect-conditioned differential subject case marking and overt case-stacking, and why case morphology on a DP may correlate with movement of a DP. Guided by data from Amis (Formosan, Austronesian), I argue that case assignment may apply to a single DP more than once and case-stacking is overt realisation of multiple case assignment. In Amis, a DP surfaces with all the cases it has been assigned when it is a contrastive topic. Moreover, Amis provides strong evidence for treating case-stacking truly as stacking of multiple cases, instead of stacking a focus marker on top of a case marker. In addition, I propose that case morphology and whether a DP can undergo certain type of movement are both mediated by [phi]-agreement. In particular, each successful [phi]-agreement with a DP introduces to the DP a K(ase), a structural correlate of morphological case. This is based on the behaviour of subjects of perfective clauses. Subjects of perfective clauses receive genitive case in a neutral context but appear with an additional nominative case when they are contrastive topics. Moreover, there are more restrictions on moving these subjects, compared with nominative-marked subjects of imperfective clauses. I posit that subjects of perfective clauses become [phi]-defective as a result of agreeing with perfective Asp(ect). This is manifested in one less case assignment, which results in genitive case on the surface, and inability to be attracted by certain complex A/Ā-movement probes.","abstract_html":"This dissertation investigates two case-related phenomena: aspect-conditioned differential subject case marking and overt case-stacking, and why case morphology on a DP may correlate with movement of a DP. Guided by data from Amis (Formosan, Austronesian), I argue that case assignment may apply to a single DP more than once and case-stacking is overt realisation of multiple case assignment. In Amis, a DP surfaces with all the cases it has been assigned when it is a contrastive topic. Moreover, Amis provides strong evidence for treating case-stacking truly as stacking of multiple cases, instead of stacking a focus marker on top of a case marker. In addition, I propose that case morphology and whether a DP can undergo certain type of movement are both mediated by [phi]-agreement. In particular, each successful [phi]-agreement with a DP introduces to the DP a K(ase), a structural correlate of morphological case. This is based on the behaviour of subjects of perfective clauses. Subjects of perfective clauses receive genitive case in a neutral context but appear with an additional nominative case when they are contrastive topics. Moreover, there are more restrictions on moving these subjects, compared with nominative-marked subjects of imperfective clauses. I posit that subjects of perfective clauses become [phi]-defective as a result of agreeing with perfective Asp(ect). This is manifested in one less case assignment, which results in genitive case on the surface, and inability to be attracted by certain complex A/Ā-movement probes.","abstract_has_math":false,"creators":["Chen, Tingchun"],"institution":"Massachusetts Institute of Technology","degree_name":null,"degree_level":null,"degree_discipline":null,"degree_department":"Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.","school":null,"contributors":[],"advisors":["Sabine Iatridou, David Pesetsky and Norvin Richards."],"committee_chairs":[],"committee_members":[],"year":2018,"date_issued":"2018","date_published":"2018","updated_at":"2026-07-22T22:21:23Z","subjects":["Linguistics and Philosophy."],"languages":["eng"],"rights":["MIT theses are protected by copyright. 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In addition, I propose that case morphology and whether a DP can undergo certain type of movement are both mediated by [phi]-agreement. In particular, each successful [phi]-agreement with a DP introduces to the DP a K(ase), a structural correlate of morphological case. This is based on the behaviour of subjects of perfective clauses. Subjects of perfective clauses receive genitive case in a neutral context but appear with an additional nominative case when they are contrastive topics. Moreover, there are more restrictions on moving these subjects, compared with nominative-marked subjects of imperfective clauses. I posit that subjects of perfective clauses become [phi]-defective as a result of agreeing with perfective Asp(ect). This is manifested in one less case assignment, which results in genitive case on the surface, and inability to be attracted by certain complex A/Ā-movement probes."]},{"key":"dc:description.degree","label":"Dc Description Degree","values":["Ph. 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In addition, I propose that case morphology and whether a DP can undergo certain type of movement are both mediated by [phi]-agreement. In particular, each successful [phi]-agreement with a DP introduces to the DP a K(ase), a structural correlate of morphological case. This is based on the behaviour of subjects of perfective clauses. Subjects of perfective clauses receive genitive case in a neutral context but appear with an additional nominative case when they are contrastive topics. Moreover, there are more restrictions on moving these subjects, compared with nominative-marked subjects of imperfective clauses. I posit that subjects of perfective clauses become [phi]-defective as a result of agreeing with perfective Asp(ect). This is manifested in one less case assignment, which results in genitive case on the surface, and inability to be attracted by certain complex A/Ā-movement probes."],"dc:description.degree":["Ph. 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