{"id":{"repo_id":"uiuc","oai_identifier":"oai:www.ideals.illinois.edu:2142/104875"},"canonical_url":"https://search.dev.ndltd.org/etd/uiuc/oai:www.ideals.illinois.edu:2142/104875","repository":{"repo_id":"uiuc","name":"University of Illinois - Urbana-Champaign","base_url":"https://www.ideals.illinois.edu/oai-pmh"},"display":{"title":"Cycles of agreement: Romance clitics in diachrony","abstract":"In this dissertation I investigate two linguistic cycles in Romance per van Gelderen’s (2011) framework: the Subject Agreement Cycle (SAC) and the Object Agreement Cycle (OAC). These grammaticalization cycles turn pronouns into agreement morphology on the verb. Both cycles are comprised of three stages. At stage (a) the pronoun is a full DP. At stage (b) the pronoun is reanalyzed as a D-head and at stage (c) it is reanalyzed as a T-head in the SAC or a v-head in the OAC. I extend the SAC to account for the grammaticalization of impersonal pronouns. I show that Modern French on is at stage (c) of the Impersonal Subject Cycle (ISC). Old Spanish (OldS) omne was on this cycle but it disappeared only to be replaced by Modern Spanish (ModS) uno. I propose that the reason for this disappearance was that impersonal subject pronouns will only be reanalyzed if personal subject pronouns are being reanalyzed first via the SAC. I also build upon van Gelderen (2011) by examining the OAC in Spanish in more detail. I show that in OldS, object clitics were full DPs and thus OldS was at stage (a) of the OAC. Based on diagnostics of coordination, modification, and movement, ModS object clitics are more deficient than OldS object clitics. Patterns of clitic doubling are evidence that standard ModS is at stage (b) of the OAC while Rioplatense Spanish is at stage (c). I adopt an analysis of accusative clitic doubling (ACD) based on Harizanov (2014) and Kramer (2014) whereby the object merges and moves to Spec,v (object shift) as a DP. I also show how object movement feeds the OAC. Object movement results in the object pronoun being in Spec,v, where it is associated with the v-head. Since ACD depends upon object shift to Spec,v, we expect languages that have developed ACD to have had object movement at an earlier period. This is the case for Romance. I show that the reflexive clitic se in ModS has been subjected to a type of OAC which I label the “Reflexive Object Cycle” (ROC). The ROC is a grammaticalization cycle that takes a reflexive object pronoun and turns it into a valency-marking morpheme, a Voice or v-head. I present evidence that in Latin and OldS, the reflexive pronoun was a full DP. It was later reanalyzed as a D-head and then a Voice head. This reanalysis is supported by diagnostics of interpolation, modification, coordination, and doubling. I demonstrate that null subjects and null objects relate to the stages of the SAC and the OAC. Null arguments are allowed in a language only if that language has reached stage (c) of the relevant cycle. I extend a D-feature and topic-identification type of analysis based on Holmberg (2005, 2010) and Holmberg et al (2009) to the licensing of null objects; i.e., null objects are licensed by a D-feature in v. I argue that this D-feature is only present on v in some varieties of Spanish because the clitic’s D-feature has been reanalyzed as a feature of v, which is a result of how the OAC works. I show how clitic left-dislocation and ACD are tied to the stages of the OAC, which accounts for their cross-linguistic distribution. I propose a typology of null object languages based on Holmberg’s (2005, 2010) typology of null subject languages. As for null subjects, I illustrate how the SAC and the ROC have interacted in the history of Spanish to give rise to passive se (Pass¬se). In order to develop passive se, two elements are need: null subjects and a reflexive Voice head. These elements are present due to the SAC and the ROC, respectively. This also accounts for the presence or absence of passive reflexive constructions crosslinguistically. Passse develops when a language has subject pro and se as a Voice head.","abstract_html":"In this dissertation I investigate two linguistic cycles in Romance per van Gelderen’s (2011) framework: the Subject Agreement Cycle (SAC) and the Object Agreement Cycle (OAC). These grammaticalization cycles turn pronouns into agreement morphology on the verb. Both cycles are comprised of three stages. At stage (a) the pronoun is a full DP. At stage (b) the pronoun is reanalyzed as a D-head and at stage (c) it is reanalyzed as a T-head in the SAC or a v-head in the OAC. I extend the SAC to account for the grammaticalization of impersonal pronouns. I show that Modern French on is at stage (c) of the Impersonal Subject Cycle (ISC). Old Spanish (OldS) omne was on this cycle but it disappeared only to be replaced by Modern Spanish (ModS) uno. I propose that the reason for this disappearance was that impersonal subject pronouns will only be reanalyzed if personal subject pronouns are being reanalyzed first via the SAC. I also build upon van Gelderen (2011) by examining the OAC in Spanish in more detail. I show that in OldS, object clitics were full DPs and thus OldS was at stage (a) of the OAC. Based on diagnostics of coordination, modification, and movement, ModS object clitics are more deficient than OldS object clitics. Patterns of clitic doubling are evidence that standard ModS is at stage (b) of the OAC while Rioplatense Spanish is at stage (c). I adopt an analysis of accusative clitic doubling (ACD) based on Harizanov (2014) and Kramer (2014) whereby the object merges and moves to Spec,v (object shift) as a DP. I also show how object movement feeds the OAC. Object movement results in the object pronoun being in Spec,v, where it is associated with the v-head. Since ACD depends upon object shift to Spec,v, we expect languages that have developed ACD to have had object movement at an earlier period. This is the case for Romance. I show that the reflexive clitic se in ModS has been subjected to a type of OAC which I label the “Reflexive Object Cycle” (ROC). The ROC is a grammaticalization cycle that takes a reflexive object pronoun and turns it into a valency-marking morpheme, a Voice or v-head. I present evidence that in Latin and OldS, the reflexive pronoun was a full DP. It was later reanalyzed as a D-head and then a Voice head. This reanalysis is supported by diagnostics of interpolation, modification, coordination, and doubling. I demonstrate that null subjects and null objects relate to the stages of the SAC and the OAC. Null arguments are allowed in a language only if that language has reached stage (c) of the relevant cycle. I extend a D-feature and topic-identification type of analysis based on Holmberg (2005, 2010) and Holmberg et al (2009) to the licensing of null objects; i.e., null objects are licensed by a D-feature in v. I argue that this D-feature is only present on v in some varieties of Spanish because the clitic’s D-feature has been reanalyzed as a feature of v, which is a result of how the OAC works. I show how clitic left-dislocation and ACD are tied to the stages of the OAC, which accounts for their cross-linguistic distribution. I propose a typology of null object languages based on Holmberg’s (2005, 2010) typology of null subject languages. As for null subjects, I illustrate how the SAC and the ROC have interacted in the history of Spanish to give rise to passive se (Pass¬se). In order to develop passive se, two elements are need: null subjects and a reflexive Voice head. These elements are present due to the SAC and the ROC, respectively. This also accounts for the presence or absence of passive reflexive constructions crosslinguistically. Passse develops when a language has subject pro and se as a Voice head.","abstract_has_math":false,"creators":["Maddox, Matthew Leroy"],"institution":"University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign","degree_name":"Ph.D.","degree_level":"Dissertation","degree_discipline":"Spanish","degree_department":null,"school":null,"contributors":["MacDonald, Jonathan E","Hualde, José I.","Yoon, James","Camargo, Martin","van Gelderen, Elly"],"advisors":[],"committee_chairs":[],"committee_members":[],"year":2019,"date_issued":"2019-08-23T19:55:47Z","date_published":"2019-08-23T19:55:47Z","updated_at":"2026-07-22T22:24:42Z","subjects":["Clitics","diachronic syntax","reflexive pronoun","null subjects","null objects"],"languages":["en"],"rights":["Copyright 2019 Matthew Maddox"],"rights_urls":[],"identifier_entries":[]},"links":{"outbound_url":"http://hdl.handle.net/2142/104875","outbound_label":"Handle","outbound_source":"dc:identifier"},"metadata_groups":[{"id":"people","label":"People","entries":[{"key":"dc:contributor","label":"Contributor","values":["MacDonald, Jonathan E","Hualde, José I.","Yoon, James","Camargo, Martin","van Gelderen, Elly"]},{"key":"dc:creator","label":"Author","values":["Maddox, Matthew Leroy"]}]},{"id":"academic_context","label":"Academic Context","entries":[{"key":"dc:date","label":"Dc Date","values":["2019-08-23T19:55:47Z","2019-04-19","2019-05"]},{"key":"dc:type","label":"Dc Type","values":["text"]},{"key":"thesis:degree_discipline","label":"Discipline","values":["Spanish"]},{"key":"thesis:degree_level","label":"Degree Level","values":["Dissertation"]},{"key":"thesis:degree_name","label":"Degree Name","values":["Ph.D."]},{"key":"thesis:institution_name","label":"Thesis Institution Name","values":["University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign"]}]},{"id":"subjects_keywords","label":"Subjects and Keywords","entries":[{"key":"dc:subject","label":"Dc Subject","values":["Clitics","diachronic syntax","reflexive pronoun","null subjects","null objects"]}]},{"id":"language_rights","label":"Language and Rights","entries":[{"key":"dc:language","label":"Dc Language","values":["en"]},{"key":"dc:rights","label":"Dc Rights","values":["Copyright 2019 Matthew Maddox"]}]},{"id":"identifiers","label":"Identifiers","entries":[{"key":"dc:identifier","label":"Identifier","values":["http://hdl.handle.net/2142/104875"]}]},{"id":"additional","label":"Additional Metadata","entries":[{"key":"dc:description","label":"Description","values":["In this dissertation I investigate two linguistic cycles in Romance per van Gelderen’s (2011) framework: the Subject Agreement Cycle (SAC) and the Object Agreement Cycle (OAC). These grammaticalization cycles turn pronouns into agreement morphology on the verb. Both cycles are comprised of three stages. At stage (a) the pronoun is a full DP. At stage (b) the pronoun is reanalyzed as a D-head and at stage (c) it is reanalyzed as a T-head in the SAC or a v-head in the OAC. I extend the SAC to account for the grammaticalization of impersonal pronouns. I show that Modern French on is at stage (c) of the Impersonal Subject Cycle (ISC). Old Spanish (OldS) omne was on this cycle but it disappeared only to be replaced by Modern Spanish (ModS) uno. I propose that the reason for this disappearance was that impersonal subject pronouns will only be reanalyzed if personal subject pronouns are being reanalyzed first via the SAC. I also build upon van Gelderen (2011) by examining the OAC in Spanish in more detail. I show that in OldS, object clitics were full DPs and thus OldS was at stage (a) of the OAC. Based on diagnostics of coordination, modification, and movement, ModS object clitics are more deficient than OldS object clitics. Patterns of clitic doubling are evidence that standard ModS is at stage (b) of the OAC while Rioplatense Spanish is at stage (c). I adopt an analysis of accusative clitic doubling (ACD) based on Harizanov (2014) and Kramer (2014) whereby the object merges and moves to Spec,v (object shift) as a DP. I also show how object movement feeds the OAC. Object movement results in the object pronoun being in Spec,v, where it is associated with the v-head. Since ACD depends upon object shift to Spec,v, we expect languages that have developed ACD to have had object movement at an earlier period. This is the case for Romance. I show that the reflexive clitic se in ModS has been subjected to a type of OAC which I label the “Reflexive Object Cycle” (ROC). The ROC is a grammaticalization cycle that takes a reflexive object pronoun and turns it into a valency-marking morpheme, a Voice or v-head. I present evidence that in Latin and OldS, the reflexive pronoun was a full DP. It was later reanalyzed as a D-head and then a Voice head. This reanalysis is supported by diagnostics of interpolation, modification, coordination, and doubling. I demonstrate that null subjects and null objects relate to the stages of the SAC and the OAC. Null arguments are allowed in a language only if that language has reached stage (c) of the relevant cycle. I extend a D-feature and topic-identification type of analysis based on Holmberg (2005, 2010) and Holmberg et al (2009) to the licensing of null objects; i.e., null objects are licensed by a D-feature in v. I argue that this D-feature is only present on v in some varieties of Spanish because the clitic’s D-feature has been reanalyzed as a feature of v, which is a result of how the OAC works. I show how clitic left-dislocation and ACD are tied to the stages of the OAC, which accounts for their cross-linguistic distribution. I propose a typology of null object languages based on Holmberg’s (2005, 2010) typology of null subject languages. As for null subjects, I illustrate how the SAC and the ROC have interacted in the history of Spanish to give rise to passive se (Pass¬se). In order to develop passive se, two elements are need: null subjects and a reflexive Voice head. These elements are present due to the SAC and the ROC, respectively. This also accounts for the presence or absence of passive reflexive constructions crosslinguistically. Passse develops when a language has subject pro and se as a Voice head.","Submission original under an indefinite embargo labeled 'Open Access'. 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These grammaticalization cycles turn pronouns into agreement morphology on the verb. Both cycles are comprised of three stages. At stage (a) the pronoun is a full DP. At stage (b) the pronoun is reanalyzed as a D-head and at stage (c) it is reanalyzed as a T-head in the SAC or a v-head in the OAC. I extend the SAC to account for the grammaticalization of impersonal pronouns. I show that Modern French on is at stage (c) of the Impersonal Subject Cycle (ISC). Old Spanish (OldS) omne was on this cycle but it disappeared only to be replaced by Modern Spanish (ModS) uno. I propose that the reason for this disappearance was that impersonal subject pronouns will only be reanalyzed if personal subject pronouns are being reanalyzed first via the SAC. I also build upon van Gelderen (2011) by examining the OAC in Spanish in more detail. I show that in OldS, object clitics were full DPs and thus OldS was at stage (a) of the OAC. Based on diagnostics of coordination, modification, and movement, ModS object clitics are more deficient than OldS object clitics. Patterns of clitic doubling are evidence that standard ModS is at stage (b) of the OAC while Rioplatense Spanish is at stage (c). I adopt an analysis of accusative clitic doubling (ACD) based on Harizanov (2014) and Kramer (2014) whereby the object merges and moves to Spec,v (object shift) as a DP. I also show how object movement feeds the OAC. Object movement results in the object pronoun being in Spec,v, where it is associated with the v-head. Since ACD depends upon object shift to Spec,v, we expect languages that have developed ACD to have had object movement at an earlier period. This is the case for Romance. I show that the reflexive clitic se in ModS has been subjected to a type of OAC which I label the “Reflexive Object Cycle” (ROC). The ROC is a grammaticalization cycle that takes a reflexive object pronoun and turns it into a valency-marking morpheme, a Voice or v-head. I present evidence that in Latin and OldS, the reflexive pronoun was a full DP. It was later reanalyzed as a D-head and then a Voice head. This reanalysis is supported by diagnostics of interpolation, modification, coordination, and doubling. I demonstrate that null subjects and null objects relate to the stages of the SAC and the OAC. Null arguments are allowed in a language only if that language has reached stage (c) of the relevant cycle. I extend a D-feature and topic-identification type of analysis based on Holmberg (2005, 2010) and Holmberg et al (2009) to the licensing of null objects; i.e., null objects are licensed by a D-feature in v. I argue that this D-feature is only present on v in some varieties of Spanish because the clitic’s D-feature has been reanalyzed as a feature of v, which is a result of how the OAC works. I show how clitic left-dislocation and ACD are tied to the stages of the OAC, which accounts for their cross-linguistic distribution. I propose a typology of null object languages based on Holmberg’s (2005, 2010) typology of null subject languages. As for null subjects, I illustrate how the SAC and the ROC have interacted in the history of Spanish to give rise to passive se (Pass¬se). In order to develop passive se, two elements are need: null subjects and a reflexive Voice head. These elements are present due to the SAC and the ROC, respectively. This also accounts for the presence or absence of passive reflexive constructions crosslinguistically. Passse develops when a language has subject pro and se as a Voice head.","Submission original under an indefinite embargo labeled 'Open Access'. The submission was exported from vireo on 2019-08-22 without embargo terms","The student, Matthew Maddox, accepted the attached license on 2019-04-19 at 04:11.","The student, Matthew Maddox, submitted this Dissertation for approval on 2019-04-19 at 11:24.","This Dissertation was approved for publication on 2019-04-19 at 13:41.","DSpace SAF Submission Ingestion Package generated from Vireo submission #13764 on 2019-08-22 at 14:44:57","Made available in DSpace on 2019-08-23T19:55:47Z (GMT). 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