{"id":{"repo_id":"toronto-retro","oai_identifier":"oai:utoronto.scholaris.ca:1807/140206"},"canonical_url":"https://search.dev.ndltd.org/etd/toronto-retro/oai:utoronto.scholaris.ca:1807/140206","repository":{"repo_id":"toronto-retro","name":"University of Toronto","base_url":"https://utoronto.scholaris.ca/server/oai/request"},"display":{"title":"Apples and Oranges: Indicative Independence versus Subjunctive Subordination","abstract":"This thesis provides a novel syntactic account for the phenomenon of mood alternation in Spanish to answer the question: how can a single matrix select for a complement in either indicative or subjunctive mood? Against the backdrop of the recent semantics-based analyses of modal anchoring (Farkas 1992) and shifting epistemic models (Quer 1998; Giannakidou 1997), this thesis investigates the idiosyncratic behaviour of polarity-induced subjunctive together with its indicative counterpart – whose structure has received comparatively less attention in the literature. Through a series of extensive corpus studies using the Corpus del Español (Davies 2002-), this thesis provides robust quantitative evidence in support of analyzing indicative complements as akin to definite nominals predicated on a null pro prior to the complementizer (Torrego & Uriagereka 1992). That is, the appositive relation between matrix and indicative clause is explained in terms of clausal adjunction as opposed to standard complementation. Bearing in mind the difference in attachment, this thesis focuses squarely on the key feature of matrices that allow for mood alternation in the complement: negation. Specifically, this thesis proposes that the placement of negation within the matrix clause is a determining factor in embedded mood choice – a novel claim that centres around the idea that negation can appear in either SigmaP or FocP (Martín-González 2002). When in SigmaP, negation combines with the matrix to form a negative verbal complex, which in turn selects for a que[NEG] – a negative complementizer that Laka (1990) proposes is unique to polarity-induced subjunctive complements. By contrast, when negation moves to FocP, negative scope does not extend beyond the focalized matrix subject – with the result that no negative verbal complex arises and no que[NEG] is selected for. Instead, the matrix selects for a nominal argument in the form of a cataphoric null pro, which is co-indexed with an indicative clause introduced by que[DEC] – a declarative complementizer equivalent to that required by the preposed clausal complements of Clitic Left Dislocation constructions. In sum, this thesis demonstrates using intuitional and corpus data that indicative and subjunctive complements are like Apples and Oranges – with each being grafted onto its own uniquely structured matrix.","abstract_html":"This thesis provides a novel syntactic account for the phenomenon of mood alternation in Spanish to answer the question: how can a single matrix select for a complement in either indicative or subjunctive mood? Against the backdrop of the recent semantics-based analyses of modal anchoring (Farkas 1992) and shifting epistemic models (Quer 1998; Giannakidou 1997), this thesis investigates the idiosyncratic behaviour of polarity-induced subjunctive together with its indicative counterpart – whose structure has received comparatively less attention in the literature. Through a series of extensive corpus studies using the Corpus del Español (Davies 2002-), this thesis provides robust quantitative evidence in support of analyzing indicative complements as akin to definite nominals predicated on a null pro prior to the complementizer (Torrego & Uriagereka 1992). That is, the appositive relation between matrix and indicative clause is explained in terms of clausal adjunction as opposed to standard complementation. Bearing in mind the difference in attachment, this thesis focuses squarely on the key feature of matrices that allow for mood alternation in the complement: negation. Specifically, this thesis proposes that the placement of negation within the matrix clause is a determining factor in embedded mood choice – a novel claim that centres around the idea that negation can appear in either SigmaP or FocP (Martín-González 2002). When in SigmaP, negation combines with the matrix to form a negative verbal complex, which in turn selects for a que[NEG] – a negative complementizer that Laka (1990) proposes is unique to polarity-induced subjunctive complements. By contrast, when negation moves to FocP, negative scope does not extend beyond the focalized matrix subject – with the result that no negative verbal complex arises and no que[NEG] is selected for. Instead, the matrix selects for a nominal argument in the form of a cataphoric null pro, which is co-indexed with an indicative clause introduced by que[DEC] – a declarative complementizer equivalent to that required by the preposed clausal complements of Clitic Left Dislocation constructions. In sum, this thesis demonstrates using intuitional and corpus data that indicative and subjunctive complements are like Apples and Oranges – with each being grafted onto its own uniquely structured matrix.","abstract_has_math":false,"creators":["Harrington, Sophie"],"institution":null,"degree_name":null,"degree_level":null,"degree_discipline":null,"degree_department":"Spanish","school":null,"contributors":[],"advisors":["Cuervo, María Cristina"],"committee_chairs":[],"committee_members":[],"year":2024,"date_issued":"2024-06","date_published":"2024-06","updated_at":"2026-07-27T21:27:56Z","subjects":[],"languages":[],"rights":["Attribution 4.0 International"],"rights_urls":["http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"],"identifier_entries":[]},"links":{"outbound_url":"http://hdl.handle.net/1807/140206","outbound_label":"Handle","outbound_source":"dc:identifier.uri"},"metadata_groups":[{"id":"people","label":"People","entries":[{"key":"dc:contributor.advisor","label":"Advisor","values":["Cuervo, María Cristina"]},{"key":"dc:contributor.department","label":"Department","values":["Spanish"]},{"key":"dc:creator","label":"Author","values":["Harrington, Sophie"]}]},{"id":"academic_context","label":"Academic Context","entries":[{"key":"dc:date","label":"Dc Date","values":["2024-06"]},{"key":"dc:date.accessioned","label":"Dc Date Accessioned","values":["2024-11-08T17:16:36Z"]},{"key":"dc:date.available","label":"Dc Date Available","values":["2024-11-08T17:16:36Z"]},{"key":"dc:date.issued","label":"Date","values":["2024-06"]},{"key":"dc:type","label":"Dc Type","values":["Thesis"]}]},{"id":"language_rights","label":"Language and Rights","entries":[{"key":"dc:rights","label":"Dc Rights","values":["Attribution 4.0 International"]},{"key":"dc:rights.uri","label":"Rights URI","values":["http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"]}]},{"id":"identifiers","label":"Identifiers","entries":[{"key":"dc:identifier.uri","label":"Identifier URI","values":["http://hdl.handle.net/1807/140206"]}]},{"id":"additional","label":"Additional Metadata","entries":[{"key":"dc:description.abstract","label":"Abstract","values":["This thesis provides a novel syntactic account for the phenomenon of mood alternation in Spanish to answer the question: how can a single matrix select for a complement in either indicative or subjunctive mood? Against the backdrop of the recent semantics-based analyses of modal anchoring (Farkas 1992) and shifting epistemic models (Quer 1998; Giannakidou 1997), this thesis investigates the idiosyncratic behaviour of polarity-induced subjunctive together with its indicative counterpart – whose structure has received comparatively less attention in the literature. Through a series of extensive corpus studies using the Corpus del Español (Davies 2002-), this thesis provides robust quantitative evidence in support of analyzing indicative complements as akin to definite nominals predicated on a null pro prior to the complementizer (Torrego & Uriagereka 1992). That is, the appositive relation between matrix and indicative clause is explained in terms of clausal adjunction as opposed to standard complementation. Bearing in mind the difference in attachment, this thesis focuses squarely on the key feature of matrices that allow for mood alternation in the complement: negation. Specifically, this thesis proposes that the placement of negation within the matrix clause is a determining factor in embedded mood choice – a novel claim that centres around the idea that negation can appear in either SigmaP or FocP (Martín-González 2002). When in SigmaP, negation combines with the matrix to form a negative verbal complex, which in turn selects for a que[NEG] – a negative complementizer that Laka (1990) proposes is unique to polarity-induced subjunctive complements. By contrast, when negation moves to FocP, negative scope does not extend beyond the focalized matrix subject – with the result that no negative verbal complex arises and no que[NEG] is selected for. Instead, the matrix selects for a nominal argument in the form of a cataphoric null pro, which is co-indexed with an indicative clause introduced by que[DEC] – a declarative complementizer equivalent to that required by the preposed clausal complements of Clitic Left Dislocation constructions. In sum, this thesis demonstrates using intuitional and corpus data that indicative and subjunctive complements are like Apples and Oranges – with each being grafted onto its own uniquely structured matrix."]},{"key":"dc:description.degree","label":"Dc Description Degree","values":["Ph.D."]},{"key":"dc:title","label":"Title","values":["Apples and Oranges: Indicative Independence versus Subjunctive Subordination"]}]}],"canonical_facts":{"dc:contributor.advisor":["Cuervo, María Cristina"],"dc:contributor.department":["Spanish"],"dc:creator":["Harrington, Sophie"],"dc:date":["2024-06"],"dc:date.accessioned":["2024-11-08T17:16:36Z"],"dc:date.available":["2024-11-08T17:16:36Z"],"dc:date.issued":["2024-06"],"dc:description.abstract":["This thesis provides a novel syntactic account for the phenomenon of mood alternation in Spanish to answer the question: how can a single matrix select for a complement in either indicative or subjunctive mood? Against the backdrop of the recent semantics-based analyses of modal anchoring (Farkas 1992) and shifting epistemic models (Quer 1998; Giannakidou 1997), this thesis investigates the idiosyncratic behaviour of polarity-induced subjunctive together with its indicative counterpart – whose structure has received comparatively less attention in the literature. Through a series of extensive corpus studies using the Corpus del Español (Davies 2002-), this thesis provides robust quantitative evidence in support of analyzing indicative complements as akin to definite nominals predicated on a null pro prior to the complementizer (Torrego & Uriagereka 1992). That is, the appositive relation between matrix and indicative clause is explained in terms of clausal adjunction as opposed to standard complementation. Bearing in mind the difference in attachment, this thesis focuses squarely on the key feature of matrices that allow for mood alternation in the complement: negation. Specifically, this thesis proposes that the placement of negation within the matrix clause is a determining factor in embedded mood choice – a novel claim that centres around the idea that negation can appear in either SigmaP or FocP (Martín-González 2002). When in SigmaP, negation combines with the matrix to form a negative verbal complex, which in turn selects for a que[NEG] – a negative complementizer that Laka (1990) proposes is unique to polarity-induced subjunctive complements. By contrast, when negation moves to FocP, negative scope does not extend beyond the focalized matrix subject – with the result that no negative verbal complex arises and no que[NEG] is selected for. Instead, the matrix selects for a nominal argument in the form of a cataphoric null pro, which is co-indexed with an indicative clause introduced by que[DEC] – a declarative complementizer equivalent to that required by the preposed clausal complements of Clitic Left Dislocation constructions. In sum, this thesis demonstrates using intuitional and corpus data that indicative and subjunctive complements are like Apples and Oranges – with each being grafted onto its own uniquely structured matrix."],"dc:description.degree":["Ph.D."],"dc:identifier.uri":["http://hdl.handle.net/1807/140206"],"dc:rights":["Attribution 4.0 International"],"dc:rights.uri":["http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"],"dc:title":["Apples and Oranges: Indicative Independence versus Subjunctive Subordination"],"dc:type":["Thesis"]},"updated_at":"2026-07-27T21:27:56Z"}