Movement of degree/degree of movement

In this project we examine the DP-internal behavior of degree operators contained in attributive extended APs, specifically degree fronting (so sunny a day) and degree right extraposition (a day sunny enough). We argue that both processes have to do with the scope of the degree operator, namely, that degree fronting is a diagnostic of clausal scope of the degree operator, while right extraposition is overt QR to the DP-internal landing site where a quantifier can be interpreted. We first show that pre-determiner APs in Germanic languages (so sunny a day) are moved to [Spec, NumP] only if they contain a degree operator, i.e. an element that cannot be interpreted in situ. We will then show that the appearance of the adjectival projection in that position is due to pied-piping, and that different degree operators behave differently with respect to how much material is moved overtly (pied-piping). We then turn to right extraposition. We will show that it can be differentiated from other cases traditionally denoted by the same term (e.g. a professor proud of her children). On the other hand, it has certain properties permitting to assimilate it to DP-extraposition to the right periphery of the vP (Heavy NP Shift) - it has new information status and permits stranding of the argument of the degree operator (a more interesting problem than this). These and similar factors suggest that right extraposition of degree-containing extended APs is overt QR of the degree operator accompanied by more or less pied-piping. The overall picture seems to be that QR an overt movement processes examined for clausal projections exist in nominal projections as well and have similar properties.

Department dc:contributor.department

Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy.

Grantor dc:publisher

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Year dc:date.issued

2002

Author dc:creator

• Matushansky, Ora

Advisor dc:contributor.advisor

• Noam Chomsky.

• Linguistics and Philosophy.

Statement dc:rights

• M.I.T. theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed from this source for any purpose, but reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission. See provided URL for inquiries about permission.

Licence dc:rights.uri

• http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/8149
• http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582

Language dc:language.iso

eng

Identifier URI

http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/8149

OAI identifier oai:identifier

oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/8149