{"id":{"repo_id":"mit","oai_identifier":"oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/120678"},"canonical_url":"https://search.dev.ndltd.org/etd/mit/oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/120678","repository":{"repo_id":"mit","name":"MIT","base_url":"https://dspace.mit.edu/oai/request"},"display":{"title":"Distributivity across domains : a study of the distributive numerals in Bangla","abstract":"In this thesis, studying the numeral indefinites in Bangla, I argue that distributive numerals are not distributivity operators themselves. The distributive numerals introduce a plurality of discourse referents, and they require that this plurality of discourse referents must enter into a formal relationship with the plurality of individuals introduced by another discourse referent. This formal requirement is known as dependency. Conventionally the phenomenon is called covariation. A distributivity operator is such that it allows this formal relationship to hold in its scope. I argue that examples involving ditransitives provide clear evidence for such an analysis. Apart from this, I discuss that the different forms of numerals have an additional restriction about encoding specificity effects. I show that the requirement of specificity and the requirement of covariation interact with each other in the scope of a distributivity operator. This interaction is encoded morphologically by differentiating between simple and complex forms of distributive numerals. The proposal is implemented by using Dynamic Plural Logic. Finally I show that the particular formalization can be extended to account for the difference between adnominal distributive numerals and adverbial (which I call 'pluractional') distributive numerals. To analyze the adnominal and adverbial distributive numerals I propose to differentiate between distributivity in the domain of individuals and distributivity in the domain of events.","abstract_html":"In this thesis, studying the numeral indefinites in Bangla, I argue that distributive numerals are not distributivity operators themselves. The distributive numerals introduce a plurality of discourse referents, and they require that this plurality of discourse referents must enter into a formal relationship with the plurality of individuals introduced by another discourse referent. This formal requirement is known as dependency. Conventionally the phenomenon is called covariation. A distributivity operator is such that it allows this formal relationship to hold in its scope. I argue that examples involving ditransitives provide clear evidence for such an analysis. Apart from this, I discuss that the different forms of numerals have an additional restriction about encoding specificity effects. I show that the requirement of specificity and the requirement of covariation interact with each other in the scope of a distributivity operator. This interaction is encoded morphologically by differentiating between simple and complex forms of distributive numerals. The proposal is implemented by using Dynamic Plural Logic. Finally I show that the particular formalization can be extended to account for the difference between adnominal distributive numerals and adverbial (which I call &#x27;pluractional&#x27;) distributive numerals. To analyze the adnominal and adverbial distributive numerals I propose to differentiate between distributivity in the domain of individuals and distributivity in the domain of events.","abstract_has_math":false,"creators":["Guha, Ishani"],"institution":"Massachusetts Institute of Technology","degree_name":null,"degree_level":null,"degree_discipline":null,"degree_department":"Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.","school":null,"contributors":[],"advisors":["Roger Schwarzschild."],"committee_chairs":[],"committee_members":[],"year":2018,"date_issued":"2018","date_published":"2018","updated_at":"2026-07-22T22:22:02Z","subjects":["Linguistics and Philosophy."],"languages":["eng"],"rights":["MIT theses are protected by copyright. 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The distributive numerals introduce a plurality of discourse referents, and they require that this plurality of discourse referents must enter into a formal relationship with the plurality of individuals introduced by another discourse referent. This formal requirement is known as dependency. Conventionally the phenomenon is called covariation. A distributivity operator is such that it allows this formal relationship to hold in its scope. I argue that examples involving ditransitives provide clear evidence for such an analysis. Apart from this, I discuss that the different forms of numerals have an additional restriction about encoding specificity effects. I show that the requirement of specificity and the requirement of covariation interact with each other in the scope of a distributivity operator. This interaction is encoded morphologically by differentiating between simple and complex forms of distributive numerals. The proposal is implemented by using Dynamic Plural Logic. Finally I show that the particular formalization can be extended to account for the difference between adnominal distributive numerals and adverbial (which I call 'pluractional') distributive numerals. To analyze the adnominal and adverbial distributive numerals I propose to differentiate between distributivity in the domain of individuals and distributivity in the domain of events."]},{"key":"dc:description.degree","label":"Dc Description Degree","values":["Ph. D. in Linguistics"]},{"key":"dc:title","label":"Title","values":["Distributivity across domains : a study of the distributive numerals in Bangla"]}]}],"canonical_facts":{"dc:contributor.advisor":["Roger Schwarzschild."],"dc:contributor.department":["Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy."],"dc:contributor.other":["Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 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A distributivity operator is such that it allows this formal relationship to hold in its scope. I argue that examples involving ditransitives provide clear evidence for such an analysis. Apart from this, I discuss that the different forms of numerals have an additional restriction about encoding specificity effects. I show that the requirement of specificity and the requirement of covariation interact with each other in the scope of a distributivity operator. This interaction is encoded morphologically by differentiating between simple and complex forms of distributive numerals. The proposal is implemented by using Dynamic Plural Logic. Finally I show that the particular formalization can be extended to account for the difference between adnominal distributive numerals and adverbial (which I call 'pluractional') distributive numerals. 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