{"id":{"repo_id":"mit","oai_identifier":"oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/112041"},"canonical_url":"https://search.dev.ndltd.org/etd/mit/oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/112041","repository":{"repo_id":"mit","name":"MIT","base_url":"https://dspace.mit.edu/oai/request"},"display":{"title":"Constraints on the distribution of nasal-stop sequences : an argument for contrast","abstract":"It has been argued that certain typological generalizations regarding the distribution of nasal-stop sequences can be explained by explicitly referencing contrast (e.g. Herbert 1977, 1986; Jones 2000). This thesis explores the hypothesis that all generalizations regarding the distribution of nasal-stop sequences can be explained by explicitly referencing contrast, and presents the results of multiple cross-linguistic studies designed to test that hypothesis. I show first that taking into consideration cues to the contrasts between nasal-stop sequences and their component parts (nasals and stops) allows us to accurately predict generalizations regarding the distribution of phonemic nasal-stop sequences (i.e. those that are phonemically contrastive with other segment types). Following this I show that taking into consideration cues to the contrast between oral and nasal vowels allows us to accurately predict generalizations regarding the distribution of allophonic nasal-stop sequences (i.e. those not phonemically contrastive with other segment types), as well as generalizations regarding the distribution of phonemic nasal-stop sequences in the context of phonemically nasal and allophonically nasalized vowels. Broadly, the results presented here contribute to a larger body of evidence that constraints on contrast are a necessary component of the synchronic phonological grammar (following e.g. Lindblom 1986; Flemming 2002, 2008b; Padgett 2009).","abstract_html":"It has been argued that certain typological generalizations regarding the distribution of nasal-stop sequences can be explained by explicitly referencing contrast (e.g. Herbert 1977, 1986; Jones 2000). This thesis explores the hypothesis that all generalizations regarding the distribution of nasal-stop sequences can be explained by explicitly referencing contrast, and presents the results of multiple cross-linguistic studies designed to test that hypothesis. I show first that taking into consideration cues to the contrasts between nasal-stop sequences and their component parts (nasals and stops) allows us to accurately predict generalizations regarding the distribution of phonemic nasal-stop sequences (i.e. those that are phonemically contrastive with other segment types). Following this I show that taking into consideration cues to the contrast between oral and nasal vowels allows us to accurately predict generalizations regarding the distribution of allophonic nasal-stop sequences (i.e. those not phonemically contrastive with other segment types), as well as generalizations regarding the distribution of phonemic nasal-stop sequences in the context of phonemically nasal and allophonically nasalized vowels. Broadly, the results presented here contribute to a larger body of evidence that constraints on contrast are a necessary component of the synchronic phonological grammar (following e.g. Lindblom 1986; Flemming 2002, 2008b; Padgett 2009).","abstract_has_math":false,"creators":["Stanton, Juliet"],"institution":"Massachusetts Institute of Technology","degree_name":null,"degree_level":null,"degree_discipline":null,"degree_department":"Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.","school":null,"contributors":[],"advisors":["Adam Albright, Edward Flemming, and Donca Steriade."],"committee_chairs":[],"committee_members":[],"year":2017,"date_issued":"2017","date_published":"2017","updated_at":"2026-07-22T22:22:13Z","subjects":["Linguistics and Philosophy."],"languages":["eng"],"rights":["MIT theses are protected by copyright. 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I show first that taking into consideration cues to the contrasts between nasal-stop sequences and their component parts (nasals and stops) allows us to accurately predict generalizations regarding the distribution of phonemic nasal-stop sequences (i.e. those that are phonemically contrastive with other segment types). Following this I show that taking into consideration cues to the contrast between oral and nasal vowels allows us to accurately predict generalizations regarding the distribution of allophonic nasal-stop sequences (i.e. those not phonemically contrastive with other segment types), as well as generalizations regarding the distribution of phonemic nasal-stop sequences in the context of phonemically nasal and allophonically nasalized vowels. 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Following this I show that taking into consideration cues to the contrast between oral and nasal vowels allows us to accurately predict generalizations regarding the distribution of allophonic nasal-stop sequences (i.e. those not phonemically contrastive with other segment types), as well as generalizations regarding the distribution of phonemic nasal-stop sequences in the context of phonemically nasal and allophonically nasalized vowels. Broadly, the results presented here contribute to a larger body of evidence that constraints on contrast are a necessary component of the synchronic phonological grammar (following e.g. Lindblom 1986; Flemming 2002, 2008b; Padgett 2009)."],"dc:description.degree":["Ph. D."],"dc:identifier.uri":["http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/112041"],"dc:language.iso":["eng"],"dc:publisher":["Massachusetts Institute of Technology"],"dc:rights":["MIT theses are protected by copyright. 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