{"id":{"repo_id":"corvinus","oai_identifier":"oai:phd.lib.uni-corvinus.hu:1494"},"canonical_url":"https://search.dev.ndltd.org/etd/corvinus/oai:phd.lib.uni-corvinus.hu:1494","repository":{"repo_id":"corvinus","name":"Corvinus University of Budapest","base_url":"http://phd.lib.uni-corvinus.hu/cgi/oai2"},"display":{"title":"Trade in Shadow ASEAN-China Trade Relations amidst South China Sea Conflicts","abstract":"Conflict and cooperation have been among core debates in International Political Economy and International Relations. Classical and neorealists tend to treat conflict as a disruptive force that undermines cooperation and elevates security considerations above economic rationality (Mearsheimer, 2001; Waltz, 1979). Unresolved territorial disputes, from this perspective, should generate uncertainty and ultimately suppress trade. Liberal and institutionalist traditions, by contrast, suggest economic interdependence can restrain conflict (Keohane, 1989; Moravcsik, 1997). It does so by increasing the opportunity costs of escalation and by embedding state behavior within institutional frameworks that reward cooperation. Yet, despite long theoretical debate, the empirical stance of conflict-trade relations remains contested. The relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China present a particular puzzle within this debate. Their relationship is defined by a paradox where there exists two parallel yet contradictory realities.","abstract_html":"Conflict and cooperation have been among core debates in International Political Economy and International Relations. Classical and neorealists tend to treat conflict as a disruptive force that undermines cooperation and elevates security considerations above economic rationality (Mearsheimer, 2001; Waltz, 1979). Unresolved territorial disputes, from this perspective, should generate uncertainty and ultimately suppress trade. Liberal and institutionalist traditions, by contrast, suggest economic interdependence can restrain conflict (Keohane, 1989; Moravcsik, 1997). It does so by increasing the opportunity costs of escalation and by embedding state behavior within institutional frameworks that reward cooperation. Yet, despite long theoretical debate, the empirical stance of conflict-trade relations remains contested. The relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China present a particular puzzle within this debate. 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Classical and neorealists tend to treat conflict as a disruptive force that undermines cooperation and elevates security considerations above economic rationality (Mearsheimer, 2001; Waltz, 1979). Unresolved territorial disputes, from this perspective, should generate uncertainty and ultimately suppress trade. Liberal and institutionalist traditions, by contrast, suggest economic interdependence can restrain conflict (Keohane, 1989; Moravcsik, 1997). It does so by increasing the opportunity costs of escalation and by embedding state behavior within institutional frameworks that reward cooperation. Yet, despite long theoretical debate, the empirical stance of conflict-trade relations remains contested. The relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China present a particular puzzle within this debate. 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Liberal and institutionalist traditions, by contrast, suggest economic interdependence can restrain conflict (Keohane, 1989; Moravcsik, 1997). It does so by increasing the opportunity costs of escalation and by embedding state behavior within institutional frameworks that reward cooperation. Yet, despite long theoretical debate, the empirical stance of conflict-trade relations remains contested. The relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China present a particular puzzle within this debate. 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