Definiteness and Quantification: Evidence from Shan

This dissertation argues for a syntax and semantics of a range of nominal expressions, expandingcross-linguistic theories of nominal reference. Looking at bare nouns, classifier constructions, and several types of relative clauses, I develop an account of definiteness and quantification that (i) connects the mass/count distinction to atomicity—providing a unified approach to count and measure quantification, (ii) argues that classifier morphology is required by cumulative nouns, (iii) proposes a typology of definiteness marking based on determiner inventory, and (iv) relates the distribution of some relative clauses and if-clauses to information structure. Data from Shan, a Southwestern Tai language of Myanmar, is compared with data from several other languages, including English. In Chapter 2, I argue that bare nouns in Shan, Dënesuìiné, and English share several features intheir distribution and interpretation, which arise from the absence of an overt determiner in these constructions. Building on observations by Chierchia (1998), Dayal (2004), and Deal (2017), I argue that in English only mass nouns (and fake mass nouns) have the semantic property of cumulativity, whereas in Shan all nouns are cumulative. Still, Shan count nouns are distinct from mass nouns in having identifiable atomic parts. I present a semantic analysis of bare noun interpretations, where nouns have an ⟨s, ⟨e, t⟩⟩-type interpretation. The definite, indefinite, kind, and generic interpretations are derived through type-shifting and generic/existential closure operations. The property of cumulativity is connected to the use of classifiers that specify the unit of thenoun they combine with. In Chapter 3, I propose that this property requires that a classifier be used when Shan bare nouns or English mass nouns combine with a numeral. With the proposed classifier semantics and syntax, I present a unified semantics of count and measure expressions, where I distinguish the two types of expressions based on whether the noun does (count) or does not (mass) have identifiable atomic parts. In Chapter 4, I present evidence that many languages, including Shan, Serbian, and Kannada,can express anaphoric definiteness with a bare noun due to the lack of an overt definite determiner in these languages. Based on this evidence, I give a revised typology of definiteness marking, assuming a split between unique and anaphoric definiteness (Schwarz 2009; Jenks 2018). I further argue that the choice between more/less overtly marked expressions of definiteness is motivated by the need to uniquely specify the intended referent, as suggested by Ahn (2019). Finally in Chapter 5, I argue that left-located constructions in Shan serve to specify the situationargument by which a clause is interpreted. This is relevant for internally headed relative clauses, derived from free relatives, which only appear in a left-located position. Additionally, there is a particle kO which is involved in universal quantification over situation arguments. I demonstrate how nouns, classifiers, and expressions of definiteness apply to analyzing donkey anaphora in Shan, using the semantics developed for each type of expression. My conclusions are presented in Chapter 6. The data presented in this dissertation comesmostly from my consultant work with speakers of Shan, a Southwestern Tai language of Myanmar. Shan is an understudied language, which is under-documented in academic contexts.

Name thesis:degree_name

Ph. D., Linguistics

Level thesis:degree_level

Doctor of Philosophy

Discipline thesis:degree_discipline

Linguistics

Grantor

Cornell University

Year dc:date.issued

2021

Author dc:creator

• Moroney, Mary Rose

Committee members dc:contributor.committeemember

• Murray, Sarah E.
• Whitman, John
• Moulton, Keir

• classifier
• definiteness
• nominal
• quantification
• Shan
• Tai

Statement dc:rights

• Attribution 4.0 International

Licence dc:rights.uri

• https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

Language dc:language.iso

en

DOI

https://doi.org/10.7298/5bq3-4f63

Dc Identifier Other

ProQuest Submission ID: 12600
ProQuest Publication ID: 28646148

OAI identifier oai:identifier

oai:ecommons.cornell.edu:1813/110615